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Leon SA. Aureus
(1908-1969)
Founder

Nilo P. Aureus

 

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Jose B. Perez

 

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Daniel P. Aureus

 

Bikol Editor

Liberato S. Aureus

 

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Bicol Mail Staff

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> Of freedom and power

After appearing before the Municipal Trial Court of Tiaong, Quezon Friday noon last week I had to rush back to Naga City in order to honor an invitation of ABS-CBN ANC News Channel for a nationwide special program via satellite, which planned to feature some media practitioners who got detained during the Marcos-imposed martial law in 1972, including those from this region.

After the lapse of 34 years, it turned out that only Tony Carpio and I still remain alive out of the eight media personalities placed “under protective custody” by the military at Camp Canuto, Sagurong, Pili, Camarines Sur. As you know, Carpio, after EDSA I, held the position of NBI national director. He did not last long because when President Cory proposed to transfer him as director of the Bureau of Immigration and Deportation, he resigned instead. I did not get any appointive position, but in the l988 local elections I got elected as member of the Sanggunian Panglalawigan of Camarines Sur. As to my journalistic career, as a broadcaster, I am now retired. I prefer playing tennis and practicing my profession as a lawyer. And, my passion is food production. The rest—Louie General, Jr., a prolific writer and a principled lawyer; Alfredo Tria , a crusading journalist - lawyer; Nonong Trivino, publisher-editor of “Balalong”, exponent of Bikol Republic; Sitong Palmiano , of the “Borobentot” radio program fame; Eli Compuesto, a policeman-turned publisher; and Ramon Brilliante, of the “Ang Katipunero” column—a well-known coach in oratorical contests, particularly of the Voice of Democracy, are now all dead.

The ABS CBN staffer who contacted me explained that the program, to start at nine o’clock that night, was supposed to be beamed via satellite, interlinked with the other stations of the same network, where some other journalists detained during the martial law were to be guests too.

On my way back, I got a text message. The program was aborted by the network. No reason was given, but apparently the network got wind of the earlier announcement from Malacanan that Presidential Proclamation 1017 had already been lifted. In plain, from the point of view of the network management, the intended program’s objectives, must have become moot and academic.

Too bad. It should have been pushed through, because as it is now, there is yet no categorical indication that the state of national emergency is over. In fact, it seems it is just unfolding, depending on which side you are with. Such being the case, the insight of those who have detained, particularly those from the media profession, could be of valuable input for purposes of assessing the true state of the Fourth Estate in these contemporary times, as compared to its situation during the Marcos dictatorship.

They differ a lot
To begin with, when Marcos imposed martial law via Proclamation No. 1081, there was a complete media clamp down. In broadcasting, only those chosen by the dictatorial regime were allowed to continue airing. Here, in Camarines Sur, it was only DZGE. Only one newspaper was off the press. After a few months, some other radio stations were permitted to go on air, provided they were supportive of the regime. Even the type of music—particularly in reference to lyrics, were subjected to censorship. Then, there came a point when every station was compelled to hook up , in simulcast, the government program “Pulong Pulong sa Kaunlaran,” which proved to be very boring, so much so that the people opted instead to shut off their radio sets.

Anybody giving an opinion or information not palatable to the dictatorship was censored and faced the risk of being detained for “rumor mongering.” In the conduct of interview with government officials, questions had to be submitted in advance, in writing. No live interviews were allowed. Many were “invited” for questioning, some of whom never reappeared, and their whereabouts are still a mystery until now.

Arrests were made and yet the subjects have never been charged. They just continued under detention.

In the case of the “Stalag I” occupants, until now—34 years since their placement “under protective custody,” no reason yet has been given for their detention. This only proves how baseless the imposition of martial law was.

Personally, my 31-day detention was of far reaching effect. I was then in second year law only. My detention started in the last week of September. I was released in the last week of October—when final exams for the first semester were about to start. As a consequence, I had to cram in my studies, just to chalk up a passing grade, unsure even of my future. I was treated like a hansenite among local media circles. It was only sometime in 1976 that I got a break again. Still, there were so much missed opportunities. One of them was a study grant abroad in the field of broadcast journalism, which I failed to enjoy because the powers-that-be then would not give me a clearance to leave the country.

That and many other painful experiences under the dictatorship are water under the bridge. Today and tomorrow matter more.

There is actually no crackdown yet on the media as a whole. The Daily Tribune case is an isolated one. Besides, assuming that the raid conducted by the police authorities was under a cloud of doubt, at least the consolation is that a case had already been filed, so that issues may be ventilated by contending parties before the judiciary, which is the proper forum.

Now, as to the irresponsible pronouncement from certain government quarters that the media practitioners are now under constant monitoring, it should be realized that such practice has been going on. That is part of the professional risk. One should accept the fact that as a journalist, he has a target audience, so that being “monitored” is in fact a complement, not a threat. Imagine, broadcasting or writing to no end, without any listener or reader! What a boring job. The natural law of compensation applies especially in the noble yet risky field of journalism. The more you assert, the more you are recognized, but the more you get exposed too. Journalism is not tailored for cry babies. Those who play it too safe—like those fond of resorting to blind items, are no journalists at all. They are plain intriguers.

Do not get me wrong. I am an ardent believer in the saying that “I may not agree with what you say, but I shall defend your right to say it.” Take note however that saying something is a mere right, not a power. Freedoms of the press, speech, assembly and even of belief, are just that—FREEDOMS.

They are not a power. This point bears more emphasizing, given the situation we are in now. Truth to tell, some media practitioners now tend to confuse freedom and power. This is particularly true in freedoms of speech and the press. Instead of being mere chroniclers of events, some of them become participants in the event itself. And when they fail to get what they want, they either cry foul or impose their will on others.

This goes true also in the freedom of belief. While it may be true that one is free to believe in anything, and yet, it should be understood that freedom of belief is different from freedom of doing what one believes. Imagine, just to say a prayer, some quarters have to gather right in the middle of the road—which actually has an specific use, but not certainly for worship. Come to think of it, is this not violative of the Ten Commandments? Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain!
This is precisely what is wrong with our society today. Freedom is equated to power. To cite an example, watch some media practitioners conduct interviews. The questions are longer than the answers. Too often, anchor persons raise opinions, not questions. At worst, they sulk when interviewees do not share their views. Along this line, let it not be forgotten that power corrupts. This is true in government as it is in the other segments of the society and even in people power itself.

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